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Fifteen Years Later, Reflecting on Manley’s Yardsticks for Judging Democracy’s Progress in Jamaica
by Cyrina Maxwell
Papine High School, St Andrew, Jamaica
If the comparison could be made – unwieldy and as awkward as it
may be – of Jamaica’s system of political governance as a
musical instrument, it could be safely said that it remains far
from finely tuned. After forty-five years of Independence, and
the institution of democracy as the primary expression of the
political will of its people, the instrument of democratic
governance in Jamaica produces music, but with warbling notes
and off-key moments.
Former Prime Minister Michael Manley’s statements on democracy
in March 1992, contained in the question, succinctly capture
this dilemma but, more importantly, obliquely implicates the
culprits. He said:
“Democracy means far more than the right to vote every five
years. It means the right to participate in every aspect of
national and community life. The people must believe that they
can take part.”
When he made these statements, the off-key notes were
reverberating loudly. Today, they still do.
The concerns encapsulated in his statements then still echo with
striking reverberative power, fifteen years later.
Notwithstanding the passage of time, Jamaica still struggles to
find perfect expression in the dreams of our democratic Fathers
and therefore former Prime Minister Michael Manley’s statements
still retain unqualified merits.
To fully appreciate and evaluate the merits of Manley’s
statements in the context of 2007 Jamaica, it becomes necessary
to isolate and explicate each element of it. Manley begins by
affirming and extending the traditional definition of democracy.
The Oxford English Dictionary defines democracy as
“[g]overnment by the people; that form of government in which
the sovereign power resides in the people as a whole, and is
exercised either directly by them (as in the small republics of
antiquity) or by officers elected by them.”
Generally speaking, the will of the people is determined by
voters going to the polls every five years. Manley, however,
argues that democracy means far more than the right to vote
every five years. Significantly, he recognised that if “voting
every five years” was used as the yardstick for judging the
progress and success of democracy in Jamaica, then Jamaica’s
democracy would remain fundamentally limited and the debate
about democracy in Jamaica would gain very little traction.
Instead, Michael Manley, in this most auspicious and solemn of
his exit speeches, decided to devote his speech to proffering
more viable yardsticks.
Two-tiered framework
He sets out a two-tiered framework that he uses to further
elaborate the notion of democracy as it should be expressed in
the context of Jamaica. The first limb of his elaboration
focuses on the right to participate in every aspect of national
and community life. His affirmation of this self-evident right
was merely given for emphasis and he expressedly notes the
distinction between national and community life.
Secondly, he highlights the element of belief as a key motivator
in the political behaviour of people and its inescapable
function in fuelling the political consciousness of a community.
A cursory review of Manley’s statements would yield the
interpretation that he is merely repeating what he thought to be
self-evident aspects of democracy. However, a more in-depth
review reveals that these very elements remain most elusive in
Jamaica’s socio-political structure.
Thus, the right to participate at both the national and
community levels of government remains a crucial aspect of
Jamaica’s pursuit of its truest form of political expression.
There are many contradictions as it relates to this. At one
level, this is evident in a split in how persons approach
democratic representation at various levels. Sadly, many
Jamaicans in 2007 feel that while they may have the option of
participating in the democratic processes within their own
communities they are restrained from doing so at the national
level. The path to national political participation is often
confined to party elites, and sometimes their only option is to
serve as delegates at national democratic party events.
Popular participation
Former Prime Minister Manley’s statement here also emphasises
the need to continually affirm and find expression for the right
of Jamaicans to participate at every level of democratic
governance: locally and nationally. While there is often an
emphasis on national elections, there is often a lack of
corresponding emphasis on local government elections. The result
is that people are sometimes disenfranchised through what may be
termed “information blackouts”. In these situations, people lose
their rights of political determination because certain
information relating to the affairs of their local governance
are not disseminated to them in a timely or responsible fashion
for them to make decisions about them. Moreover, because local
community political events often occur below the radar of
national scrutiny, local political operatives sometimes seek to
take advantage of systemic weaknesses at the expense of the
democratic rights of the local community.
The second limb of Manley’s elaboration focuses on the critical
element of belief among voters that they can take part in the
process of participatory democracy. For the musical instrument
that is Jamaica’s system of participatory democracy to issue
finely tuned music at its fullest and most expansive range, the
voters’ belief in their own enfranchisement is vitally important
to the future of Jamaica’s participatory democratic project.
Sadly again, in 1992 Jamaica – when Prime Minister Manley made
these statements -- and in 2007 Jamaica, political polarisation
pits Jamaica into two political camps. Camps refer to each other
as “the PNP dem” or “the JLP dem” and voters become ensnared in
this unhappy dynamic. The sharp political divide accepts no
open-minded debate about issues or an acknowledgement that
persons may change their political votes based on a
consideration of the issues. Political persuasion is reduced to
the community or family into which a voter is born.
In some communities, generally those where “dons” and strongmen
hold sway, residents are forced to conform to the political
persuasion of their community overlords and any attempt to
digress from the dictated political path brings swift and brutal
punishment. The truth is, in many of these communities, people
still do not believe they have a choice in whom they can vote
for. In Jamaica’s recently held elections on September 3, there
were numerous reports by voters of intimidation and violence . A
frightening trend is that as crime spreads so too does voter
intimidation and violence; and many communities that were
previously relatively free of crime have begun reporting that as
“dons” crop up, there have also been increasing instances of
voter intimidation in their communities.
Element of belief
But the element of “belief” also captures the feeling of
enfranchisement that comes from a voter’s confidence in the
viability and the integrity of his country’s system of
participatory democracy. If he or she believes that every vote
is not counted because of systemic failures in the Electoral
Office of Jamaica’s (EOJ’s) ability to secure and count ballots
or because of corruption and the so-called “stuffing of ballots”
then voter belief is compromised. This belief is crucial to
ensure the instrumental workings of Jamaica’s system of
participatory democracy continue producing delightful sounds of
melody and music. The consequences of a loss in voter belief
that they can take part in their system of participatory
democracy will be voter apathy, low voter turn-out and an
increasing disillusionment in the progress of Jamaica’s system
of participatory democracy.
In sum, former Prime Minister Michael Manley’s reformulation of
the traditional definition of democracy in the context of
Jamaica epitomises the participatory nature of Jamaica’s
democratic project. His identification of the culprits that are
capable of compromising this vision – limiting the right to
participate either at the national or community level and the
lack of belief that they can take part – still has salience
today. Eradicating these threats remains key to realising the
full flowering of Manley’s vision of participatory democracy.
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